In the same work Roy wrote that Islam have the vast potential for development. And French Islamic publicist Youssef Girard in his article “Muslim community in France and the problem of its ‘historical consciousness'” cites Islamic philosopher of early XX century Mohammed Iqbal (who, by the way, welcomed October revolution in Russia in 1917):
“In Islam the prophecy has achieved its perfection, revealing the necessity of its own abolition. This supposes subtle understanding of the fact that one must not hold the life at the margin; that in order to achieve the entire self-consciousness one must ultimately resort to his own means” (La communauté musulmane en France et le problème de sa « conscience historique » (1/2))
Girard comments these Iqbal’s words:
“In this perspective Quran calls the people to use their own mind and to resort to empirical data, which are obtained from concrete experience as a basis of human consciousness” (ibid)
What does it mean? It means that Islam which “calls the people to use their own mind and to resort to empirical data”, unlike Christianity which based on blind faith, clears the way for the negation of god. Indeed, the prophet Mohammed, according to Islam, is “a mere mortal”, not “the son of god” as Jesus in Christianity; but “it is inherent in human to make mistakes”. Thus, M. N. Roy’s words that Mohammed’s “talks” with Allah are hallucinations don’t conflict with Islam at all.
Let’s return to Jawi’s work.
The criticism of Marxism and communist ideology by Jawi is in fact the criticism of the “state” capitalism of eastern imperialist bloc (i.e. former USSR and China) as opposed to western, “free” capitalism (although it is not so very free). Therefore it is undoubtedly incorrect to place the criticism of Marxism and communism by Jawi in one rank with the criticism of Marxism and communism by liberals, because Al Jawi disagrees with “free” capitalism too (however he stumbles sometimes, deviating towards liberalism: his phrase that communists consider people as “teeth of the gear” is used widely in the arsenal of liberal criticism of communism).
It is reported about Nurcholis Madjid, whom Al Jawi criticizes, that he based himself upon Indonesian middle classes (upon students etc.) which coming into being lately – not upon lower classes. Left Muslims criticized him for this fact. He supported the regime of “New Order” which was a puppet of American imperialism, and Al Jawi rightly criticizes him for this fact. In respect of Marxism Nurcholis Madjid held Bakunin’s view that “proletarian dictatorship is the dictatorship of party leaders” – unfortunately, Al Jawi doesn’t criticize him for that. Generally, the level of Al Jawi’s views in certain respects is lower than that of Nabhani who distinguished between early communism (in the sense “movement”) and late communism (which was in fact the same capitalism) nevertheless and sympathized with early communism. The level of Al Jawi’s view on secularism is also lower than that of Nabhani. In this question there is some confusion in Al Jawi’s words from which one can conclude the apology of feudalism: Al Jawi writes that to the question “does god exist?” feudalism answers “Yes”, but capitalism doesn’t even bring up such question. From this one can conclude that Al Jawi who answers “Yes” to this question holds with feudal lords (although in fact he certainly disagrees with feudal lords too). Apparently, he feels that, therefore he avoids an answer this question: “Even if it is so, the discussion concerning the existence of the Creator is irrelevant here”. I remind the reader that Nabhani in this question stressed that the religion was a tool in the hands of European kings and clergy which helped to “suck the blood from the people”; Nabhani also sympathized with early Soviet power because its attitude towards religion was fixed; but Al Jawi overlooks these points.
So, to the question “does god exist?” feudalism answers “Yes”, capitalism (as well as late communism, in contrast to early communism) doesn’t even bring up such question; from this it follows that future society which will be free of contradictions (i.e. socialist or, in other words, “Islamic” society) should answer “No”. Of course, the level of atheism of this society must be higher than that of primitive, natural-science, “mechanical” atheism of “philosophers and scientists” (i.e. of atheism which was generated by Enlightenment and French revolution), an Islamists’ disagreement with such atheism is correct in many respects.
As regards the difference between early Islam and feudalism in terms ideology and religion, despite the fact that the answer to the question “does god exist?” was the same for both of them of the face of it, the former was the strict monotheism, while the latter was the power of kings, the clergy, Pope and the like, which were equated with god, i.e. in fact the latter was idolatry. The difference between Islam and theocracy was also noted by Sayyid Qutb. Nigerian Islamist Danladi Adamu Mohammed disagrees with the theocracy of modern Iran, he argues that it has nothing in common with Islam, it is the successor of Greek philosophy which in fact is exploiter one (Danladi Adamu Mohammed. Muslim Intellectuals and the Sharia Debate in Nigeria. Centre for Journalism Studies Wales. March 2002).
Of course, Islamists (not all and not always) quite often condemn communism, Marxism indiscriminately, lumping together early, revolutionary, Marxism and late, opportunistic, “Marxism”, i.e. European and Soviet social-imperialism. Of course, we must criticize them for that. But it is also necessary not to forget that our “Marxists” which lump together early, revolutionary, Islam and late, feudal-theocratic, Islam, are none the better in this respect.
Here I also shall touch on the question “What is proletariat?”. I already wrote a lot that the view “Proletariat is industrial workers” is out-of-date today, it became opportunistic throughout, and today the correct view is “Proletariat is the poor”, if to say summarily: even if the sets of proletarians and of the poor don’t coincide with each other (because there are also poor peasants), they intersect strongly. It is also necessary to note here that the sets of proletarians and Muslims also intersect strongly (although they don’t coincide with each other too), and the appealing of Islamists to Muslims is in fact Marxist one in many respects. Accordingly, as well as Marxism divides ideological currents into proletarian and bourgeois ones, into materialism and idealism respectively, Islamism divides them into Islamic and non-Islamic. Today, at the stage of neocolonialism, when the splitting of the world into oppressor nations and oppressed ones became so enormous, this division corresponds with Marxist division in many respects, but not at all respects, because there is class division within rich (non-Islamic) nations, and the ideology of proletariat of rich nations, that is revolutionary, non-opportunistic Marxism-Leninism, even if it is non-Islamic nominally, in deed corresponds with the spirit of early Islam.
Incidentally, the positive point in Al Jawi’s article is the sympathy with the poor, Blacks, Reds (American Indians) and immigrants (even non-Muslims) in USA and other super-powers. Here we see proletarian internationalism.
“The answer which Islam proposes” which Al Jawi gives at the end of the article, i.e. non-contradictory Islamic society (i.e. in fact the society which is free from class contradictions), in contrast to contradictory capitalist and “communist” (i.e. in fact state-capitalist society – the same capitalist one in essence) societies, is in fact Islamized socialism, socialism in Islamic form, even if it is somewhat naïve, semi-peasant, not rigorous scientific. Al Jawi’s words about restrictions which Shariah imposes on the freedom of ownership (the prohibition of usury etc.) point to socialism too. On the other hand, Mawdudi (as well as Nabhani) wrote that Islam doesn’t oppose private ownership. In other words, Islam opposes usurious, parasitic, financial capital, but doesn’t oppose petty, “labor”, entrepreneurial (enterprising) bourgeoisie, peasantry etc. This corresponds with Lenin’s position that “There are the bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie”; on the other hand, this is markedly different from Stalin’s policy of devastation (dispossession) of petty bourgeoisie (“the offensive on kulak”, i.e. on rich peasants, which was in fact the offensive on middle-class, not rich, peasants, which was carried out by new Soviet bourgeoisie in the alliance with the labor aristocracy, including “kulaks”, who have coalesced (grown together) with the state power through the corruption). As Engels wrote in his work “Peasant question in France and Germany” (1894), dispossession of peasantry is progressive process, but proletariat must not to promote it, must not to form the alliance with large bourgeoisie against petty bourgeoisie, quite the contrary, proletariat must to form the alliance with petty bourgeoisie against large bourgeoisie.
And one more point. Al Jawi wrote about Islamic prohibition of drunkenness and sexual debauchery and prohibition for women from going out of doors “naked” (that is without kerchief (hijab)). As regards the first point (the prohibition of drunkenness and sexual debauchery), this corresponds with Lenin’s words that “conscious proletarian doesn’t need to intoxicate (make dizzy) himself with alcohol and sexual incontinence”. On the other hand, according to Engels, drunkenness for proletarians is “the thing for the sake of which it is worth to live” (Here Engels said about proletarian masses, not about conscious proletarians): i.e., it is incorrect to “demand the high morality from the wretched”. Al Jawi doesn’t take this aspect into account. However, this question must be considered in connection with concrete-historical conditions: as we know, the drunkenness was introduced in Muslim countries by colonizers.
As regards the second point (the prohibition for women from going out of doors “naked”), I want to mention that the representative of Revolutionary Line who writes under a pen-name NKVD, distorts my position, which was expressed in my work “Marxism and morality”. He wrote:
“Gachikus plays with facts in original manner, he represents Chaplin [very conservative representative of Orthodox Church – A. G.] as reactionary for the fact that he proposes to introduce dress-code, but at the same time he doesn’t criticize Islamists for the fact that they impose wearing burka (veil, paranja) on women and other protection of morality”
As a matter of fact, in that work I quote Nabhani who criticized early, peasant Islamism of early XX century for infringement of women’s rights and who asserted that the freedom of participating in social life, in wage labor is necessary for women, but, on the other hand, the morality must be protected (if NKVD hasn’t understand, I shall say more concretely: Nabhani opposed burka, but advocated kerchief (hijab)). From the context it is clear that I hold not with early, peasant Islamism, but just with Nabhani and talibs. My position in these debates is similar to the position of representatives of French Left Muslim site “Oumma.com”: “We are against burka, but the renunciation of it must be free (voluntary)”. As Lenin said, “It is impossible to drive somebody into paradise by the bludgeon”.
In general, imperialists and their lackeys in communist movement like to cry about the right of women not to wear paranja, but say nothing about the right of women to wear paranja. Such is the face of bourgeois democracy!
And the last point. Al Jawi’s words that “The [Islamic] state fulfils the obligation of carrying the message to the whole world” correspond with Marxist-Leninist doctrine about communism as worldwide phenomenon, about the necessity of promoting world revolution by the country where proletariat has won.
A. G.
March 17, 2012
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